Independence Movements and Representation
This series will give an in-depth look at women's security in the Kurdish Region of Iraq (KRI). Gender politics and violence have long been hot topics in international discourse. The emphasis the UN and western democracies place on gender equality has led to extensive research on women's lived experiences. The Middle East, in particular, has found itself under the microscope. Trigger Warning: This series contains a discussion of domestic violence, sexual violence, murder, and modern slavery.
The series is broken into five parts; an introduction to the area and issues, democratization and gender security, independence movements and gender representation, the ISIS occupation and gender oppression, and conclusions on gendered life in the KRI.
While the Kurds accepted an autonomous region within Iraq in 2003, the desire for an independent state remains a powerful force in Kurdish politics. In times of change, like the post-2003 reconstruction of Iraq, nationalist movements' reactions can determine their success (Kaldor, 2004, p. 164). Successful movements are often dependent on the construction of national identity and narrative. Joane Nagel's foundational exploration of this relationship explains that nationalists have often manipulated gender narratives and symbols for their political gain when building a national identity (1998). In Mojab's analysis of gender relations in the Kurdish nationalist movement, women represent the physical and cultural means of reproducing the Kurdish nation. This idea's modern conception shows women as an essential part of developing an independent Kurdish nation (Bannerji, Mojab and Whitehead, 2001, p. 124). The mythic representation that the Kurdish independence movement has built focuses on their freedom. Compared to Arab, Persian, and Turkish women, Kurds have promoted an image of agency and empowerment (Mojab and Hassanpour, 2003, p. 62). This line of argument suggests that by opening the political sphere to Kurdish women, the Kurds are trying to differentiate the KRI from the rest of Iraq. The political representation of women in the KRI is, therefore, closely linked to the nationalist movement.
The independence movement post-2003 found gender politics increasingly significant for their objectives because gender relations have become an essential norm of western democratic actors. The conditions for state recognition have expanded from the initial Montevideo Convention criteria to include a commitment to democracy, human rights, and the protection of minorities (Newman and Visoka, 2018). Most Iraqis now dismiss the US claim that their invasion would bring further rights and freedoms to women and minorities in Iraq. However, the organic development of women's political representation has strengthened its appeal as it is not seen as an American imposition (Brown and Romano, 2006, p. 64). These attitudes impact the Kurdish nationalist movement's view of women's political representation. Through the liberalization of gender relations in the KRI, the Kurds have differentiated their normative position on gendered political representation from that of Iraq's south and southern regions. The differentiation is most apparent in the approach of NGOs and multinational organizations. The UN and many regional and international advocacy groups frequently use the KRI as a case study when examining social issues. This research status is a crucial reason why the KRI is viewed as a de-facto state. Therefore, independence movements have encouraged the image of gender security and representation as a political strategy.
While the political representation of women is undoubtedly part of a nationalist strategy of westernization, it has improved the political situation of Kurdish women and changed the dynamics of gender politics in the KRI. The 25 percent quota for women at the legislative level, which is contained in the Constitution of Iraq, is a mark of this progress, especially compared to other states in the region (Republic of Iraq, 2005, p. 17). The representation of women in the Kurdish Parliament has exceeded this quota in some election cycles (Banai, 2012, p. 269). The presence of Kurdish women in the KRG and central Iraqi government under the representational quota has led to a rise in women's political careers. Andrea Fischer-Tahir's (2010) analysis of women's political activity in Iraq suggests that Kurdish women's positions as political representatives can benefit their future political security. Their status as politicians allows them to accumulate economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital like male politicians (p. 1385). Therefore, the higher status women gain from political participation raises their position within Iraqi and Kurdish society and sets a precedent for other Kurdish women in politics.
Ayelet Banai's (2012) paper on political representation and democracy in the KRI objects to suggestions that women are effectively represented in the Kurdish-Iraqi political sphere. Banai's delineation is between "representation as presence and substantive representation" (p. 267). The argument that the enforced presence of women through quotas remedies the gendered political situations of the KRG is undermined by evidence of the structure's challenges to effective political opposition. While Banai's research maintains an empirical element, Mojab and Gorman's research and Fischer-Tahir's focuses on the narratives surrounding the growth in Kurdish women's political participation. Narratives surrounding Kurdish women in politics seek to undermine their legitimacy and their image as modern democratic figureheads. Suggestions that political parties select women who align with their interests are well recognized (Mojab and Gorman, 2007, p. 69). However, the conventions of western political parties mirror this approach, limiting the weight of this criticism. Other criticisms of Kurdish female politicians surround nepotism. Many international, regional, and local actors report that the selection process is based on privilege, political and social connections, and family affiliation (Fischer-Tahir, 2010, p. 1384). The forced inclusion of women also casts doubt upon the effectiveness of their representation. The KRG's political parties remain patriarchal and nationalistic. The stagnation of women's issues mentioned above, for example, would suggest that women in the KRG are unable to represent the interests of Kurdish women in need comprehensively.
This report directly discusses the impact of patriarchy on political parties. The patriarchal origins of many nationalist concepts used by Kurdish political parties weaken Kurdish women's political representation as it is viewed as a superficial strategy to gain international approval. Liberal feminist perspectives view the introduction of women to the political sphere as the necessary step in mitigating the unequal experience of gender insecurity and gendered representation. In Jill Steans' (1998) foundational discussion of feminist theory, she identifies the involvement of women in power as the necessary step to women's emancipation from patriarchy (p. 16-18). This perspective would suggest that women's involvement, though perhaps superficial, is a step towards gender equality in representation and political equality.
Progress in women's representation and gender security in the KRI is critiqued by feminist theory. However, when viewed in comparison to the gendered experience of Kurdish areas occupied by ISIS, progress in security and politics is dramatic.
Sources:
Banai, A. (2012). From Presence to Action: Political Representation And Democracy In Iraqi Kurdistan. Representation, 48(3), pp.267–279.
Bannerji, H., Mojab, S. and Whitehead, J. (2001). Of Property and Propriety: The Role of Gender and Class in Imperialism and Nationalism (Anthropological Horizons). [online] University Of Toronto Press. Available at: https://www-degruyter-com.ezproxy.st-andrews.ac.uk/toronto/view/book/9781442678002/10.3138/9781442678002-006.xml [Accessed 14 Nov. 2020].
Brown, L. and Romano, D. (2006). Women in Post-Saddam Iraq: One Step Forward or Two Steps Back? NWSA Journal, [online] 18(3), pp.51–70. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/40071181.pdf?casa_token=e7GvrYF76H8AAAAA:794zj_VOeTYUB3kLiWb2tsrO8CoBP5d1hIacxblPCPZXxhfaXZ8JuA9v3i4TdtgdWSUml6da6vjlGWcCRikwztK0rMDbxZgyZnA0ixcStyBFzQDD_yI [Accessed 14 Nov. 2020].
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Nagel, J. (1998). Masculinity and nationalism: gender and sexuality in the making of nations. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 21(2), pp.242–269.
Newman, E. and Visoka, G. (2018). The European Union’s practice of state recognition: Between norms and interests. Review of International Studies, [online] 44(4), pp.760–786. Available at: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/129089/1/Newman%20and%20Visoka%20-%20EU%20Practice%20of%20State%20Recognition.pdf [Accessed 14 Nov. 2020].
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